Malaysian Bodoh Politik 101 !

Light (and silly) side of politics

Self-proclaimed centrist Anas Zubedy, who has just published a book titled Bodoh Politik 101: Easy Guides on How (Not) to Choose a Malaysian Leader, insists he takes no sides in politics.
 
BODOH Politik is when you think those who do not support you are disloyal to the country or have been bought over by the other side.

Bodoh Politik is when you spend public money like it's your own.

Bodoh Politik is complaining that certain media is biased to the other side but you think it is okay when other media is biased to your side.

Bodoh Politik is when you say Malaysian students have no right to get involved in what is happening in their own country.

Bodoh Politik is when you ask and advise others to vote FOR or AGAINST someone simply because he or she is from BN (Barisan Nasional) or PR (Pakatan Rakyat).

Dose of humour: Anas has compiled some of his tweets on the silly politcs practised in this country into a book 'Bodoh Politik'. The easy-to-read book pokes fun at both sides of the political divide.

 

These are some of the amusing quotes found in a little book by Anas Zubedy called #Bodoh Politik 101: Easy Guides on How (Not) to Choose a Malaysian Leader.

Cute? Funny? Does any of these hit a mark?

The quotes are actually some of his tweets from late last year and Anas thought it would be a good laugh to compile them into an easy-to-read book.

And he has dedicated it to so-called “Clever Malaysians”.

“We need to cheer up a little because in our zest to make Malaysia a better place, Malaysians are getting angry with each other to the extent of it sometimes getting ridiculous on both sides of the political divide,” Anas says.

“We must remember at the end of the day that while we might oppose each other's ideas, we are not enemies.”

He believes there is a bunch of Malaysians who are active on the Internet who have become “ugly Malaysians” and are using nasty words on Facebook, twitter, blogs and the web sphere and who are also going around screaming and shouting to disrupt the other party's ceramah.

It bothers him that political leaders on both sides are not doing anything against it.

“They should tell their supporters to not do it because it's not helping them or the country,” he says.

His book of tweets, he adds, is in jest and “yet deep”.

Bodoh Politik, he explains, means Silly (not Stupid) Politics.

Anas insists he is a centrist who does not support any side of the political divide. His tweets do take pot shots at both Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR).

Bodoh Politik is when you make chauvinistic jokes about women politicians.

Bodoh Politik is when you keep predicting the date of the next general election as though it is your day job.

Anyone following politics in the country, including parliament sessions, is able to tell for sure the first is directed at Barisan (thanks to some of their MPs sexist remarks) and the second at Pakatan.

Then there are a few quotes that are very personality-specific.

Bodoh Politik is when you run for politics and then go and bite the ears of a policeman. It is a no-brainer that this tweet was aimed at PKR's Tian Chua, who bit the ear of a policeman in 2007 after the latter threw a punch at him.

The following year, Tian Chua was voted into parliament as Batu MP.

For the biting incident, Tian Chua was charged and fined RM2,000 but the policeman who punched him was never charged.

Describing him as “nonsensical” and “gila” (mad), Anas makes no secret what he thinks of Tian Chua.

“Why so silly? How can you be a political leader and go and bite someone's ear? There must be some kind of wrong make-up there (in the head) for him to do that.

“Also, during the Bersih 2.0 protest, Tian Chua got a bunch of followers to rush towards the policemen. For what? These kinds of things make Bersih look bad.

“He's gila. But the good news is he's calming down and maturing.”

About a year ago, Anas (who says he doesn't belong to any political party) called for the resignation of the DAP's respected leader Lim Kit Siang, which understandably got party members really angry.

They called Anas an Umno tool and attacked him ferociously in cyberspace.

One of his tweets in the book pretty much sums up what he thinks about the matter: Bodoh Politik is demanding old-timers from the other side resign from politics but getting emotional when the same is asked from your side.

Anas bristles when asked about him being seen as an Umno tool.

Stressing that he has always been a centrist, he points out that before 1998, he was seen as being anti-establishment and hence a leftist.

And it was only after the 2008 elections, “when the left has gone so far left”, that he who has remained in the centre now appears like a rightist.

“I've never changed my position for the past 20 to 25 years. When I say be fair to both sides', people say cannot'. To the opposition, anyone who is not with them has been bought over or is with Barisan.

“Barisan used to be like that too. If you are in the centre, they used to call you a traitor, but not any more.

“I take offence when people say I am an Umno tool. I refuse to take money for my business from cigarette, beer and gambling companies, so do you think someone like that will take money from Barisan or the Opposition?

“I will sue the next person who says I have been paid by Barisan,” he says.

People should vote for the candidate rather than the party, Anas stresses.

“We have good people in both Barisan and Pakatan but the problem is the good people might not be in the forefront so we need to support them so that they can come up,” he says, adding that party members shouldn't be too extreme to support their leader when he makes a mistake.

Some of the politicians Anas likes on the Pakatan Rakyat side are Nurul Izzah Anwar (PKR-Lembah Pantai), Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad (PKR-Seri Setia state seat) and Mujahid Yusof Rawa (PAS-Parit Buntar).

On the Barisan side, he has high regard for Datuk Seri Mustapa Mohamed (Jeli), Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah (Temerloh), Khairy Jamaluddin (Rembau), Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (Gua Musang) and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak (PM).

Anas also takes to task race-based and religious-based political parties, saying that PKR probably has the best multi-racial party at this point in time.

He adds that macho political structures like having the main wing, a Wanita, Youth and Puteri wings is “so old school”.

To have more good leaders, he says, you have to allow people to rise and not segregate them into male and female wings.

“Women make up 50% of the talent pool. In the business world, we would be dead meat without the women.

“But in Umno, it's the Wanita and Puteri who are doing the work but when it's time to make the speech, it's the men who go up in front (to take the credit).

“As for the Puteri, why call them Puteri in the first place? Princess? Come on, are we living 400 years ago?”

Anas believes the 2008 general election changed the political landscape for the better because “the government cannot take the people for granted any more” although, at times, he thinks “the Umno fellows haven't woken up yet”.

Another thing Anas finds hard to stomach is when the opposition parties start compromising on principles in their desire to get to Putrajaya.

“My favourite politician is Karpal Singh who has always been anti-frogging (against elected representatives jumping parties) but now he is silent on it because his own party wants to go to Putrajaya.

“The opposition has betrayed us because they are not fighting against frogging any more.”

Pointing to Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as being responsible for the opposition parties' compromising on their principles, he says: “We do not have a checking mechanism any more so we need a third group of people who are neither Barisan nor Pakatan who are willing to voice out whichever side is wrong. Without that, we lose our conscience.”

On Bersih, Anas says it is good to clean up the electoral roll but saying that there is massive fraud and cheating in the elections is too much.

Bersih 3.0 should have held their rally in the streets of Putrajaya instead of Kuala Lumpur, he feels, and he is sorry for “poor Ambiga” (Bersih 3.0 co-chairman) because he thinks she got “played out” for working with the opposition parties.

Anas also has a number of tweets on the NEP.

He is all for affirmative action and says it should be celebrated for helping millions out of poverty.

But he believes it was “designed wrongly” because it was a race-based affirmative action, which meant huge chunks of very poor Indians in the estates were missed out.

“I don't believe in equality. I believe the poor must be helped. I think now we need a special Indian-based NEP to help the Indian poor in areas like housing, schooling to jobs.”

One bad thing about the NEP, he says, is that it has created a nation of blamers.

The Chinese who don't do well or are not rich blame it on the NEP, while the Malays lack self confidence as they think they cannot be successful and cannot survive without the NEP, he elaborates.

Anas is also known for taking full-page advertisements in newspapers to celebrate festivals. Even this has critics accusing him of being publicity-hungry.

In his defence, he says there's nothing wrong with publicity: Zubedy is the brand of his company and that brand is unity.

“We have been advertising for almost every festival not only the major ones but even for Vaisakhi and Vesak Day for so many years. I was also advertising Sept 16 Malaysia Day since 2001.

“We are a business organisation and we have a marketing motive. The world will be a very boring place if nobody wanted publicity.

“The only problem is when people get publicity to do wrong things. I am trying to get publicity to win people's hearts to unite.

“I don't think there's anything wrong with that,” says Anas, who points out that accusations of him being publicity-crazy only started after he asked Kit Siang to step down.

On the back cover of #Bodoh Politik, Anas has put a popular Malay idiom in bold. “Siapa yang makan cili, dia yang terasa pedasnya (Whoever eats chilli, he will feel the spiciness which means whoever has done something wrong, he will feel the guilt).”

For sure, some will feel the sting with this book.

By SHAHANAAZ HABIB shaz@thestar.com.my   

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Whose Policies Benefits the Country Most, MCA or DAP? Chua-Lim Debate 2.0 

 

Mature debates awakening policy makers!

Mature debate the way to go
  ROAMING BEYOND THE FENCE By TUNKU 'ABIDIN MUHRIZ  

Younger, more mature Malaysians have moved on and would like to see more debates, particularly on substantial issues which in the long term can feed the policy makingprocess.

YOUTH and Sports Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Shabery Cheek is not a bad squash player, and I partially attribute my two wins over him to home ground advantage — we were playing at the Royal Sungei Ujong Club which once served as Seremban’s Istana Hinggap — and also to the fact that he was already rather tired, having already played two sets with the Yang di-Pertuan Besar (of which the outcome for the minister was similar).

It is said that he is the most approachable among the Cabinet ministers, and I can see why.

His name is also nearly uttered in the same breath as Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah, Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan, Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed, Datuk Shahrir Samad, Khairy Jamaluddin and, of late, Datuk Seri Nazri “Valentine’s Day” Aziz as Umno politicians who have been condemned within their party for being too liberal or independent-minded.

Round one: Dr Chua and Lim speaking to the press after their debate last Saturday.

(Two of these individuals listed mostly the same names when I asked who else in their party broadly agrees with them — even if they don’t enjoy particularly close relationships with one another.)

Among veterans, there’s Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, recently joined by Tan Sri Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir, in being critical of the party.

Back in 2008, as Information Minister, Shabery Cheek had the courage to face Anwar Ibrahim in a televised debate after the latter’s release from prison.

This was touted as the debate of the century, but now similar superlatives are being applied to the one last weekend between Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek and Lim Guan Eng.



I have been told that the available translations are poor, so I won’t judge the content, but what struck me was the eagerness in presenting this debate as one concerning only ethnic Chinese in Malaysia, rather than a debate to discuss issues pertinent to all Malaysians.

It is as if one’s ethnic background constrains the subject matter — but I am sure people of all ethnic backgrounds have a view about cars being towed in the late evenings.

Still, the fact that the debate happened at all has been widely appreciated. Of course, such debates for the benefit of Malaysian students abroad have been happening for some time.

The recent one between Khairy and Rafizi Ramli in London has been making the rounds online, but I remember such debates taking place when I was an undergraduate there myself.

Some say such debates are a waste of time, because Malaysians are supposedly too immature.

Well, immature politicians of whatever age can wallow in their own ignorance: younger, more mature Malaysians have moved on and we would like to see more debates, and on substantial issues which in the long term can feed the policy making process.

This change in attitude must have something to do with the active culture of debating in our varsities.

Not too long ago I was a judge at one of these debating events, and if these ladies and gentlemen become parliamentarians in the future there may yet be hope for our Dewan Rakyat to return to the civilised, august chamber that it once was.

The cultivation of public speaking begins at a young age.

Last week, I was at SMK Tuanku Muhammad to close a public speaking competition for schools in Kuala Pilah, and the 15-year-old girl who won spoke as eloquently as the local MP.

In my own speech I mentioned that aptitude in both Malay and English is not only crucial to our nation’s future success, but also in understanding our past; from the time of Tuanku Muhammad, English was widely used in government, business and social circles: a far cry from the termination of the English national-type schools, the PPSMI debate and ministry websites that “poke eyes”.

In a school named for Tuanku Muhammad’s niece, Tunku Kurshiah, the wind orchestra was rehearsing for its Konsert DiRaja on Sunday. Starting out as a marching band in the 1970s, the orchestra now routinely wins competitions against other schools.

It had invited me to accompany them on the piano, and it was a privilege to play One Republic’s Apologise and the Blues Gang’s Apo Nak Dikato with an orchestra carrying the first Raja Permaisuri Agong’s name in the presence of many of her family members, including the Yang di-Pertuan Besar and the Tunku Panglima Besar of Kedah (herself a TKCian).

I hope in due course the extraordinary commitment to co-curricular activities can be expanded to squash, too.

Preliminary research suggests that Shabery Cheek is the only person in the Cabinet or among senior Opposition figures (there is still, lamentably, and so close to the rumoured general election, no Shadow Cabinet) who plays this game of strategy, stamina, and flexibility.

> Tunku ’Abidin Muhriz is president of IDEAS.

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The Third Force Politics in Malaysia; Ku Li on survival mode!

     Image via WikipediaTweet

Cometh the ‘third force’

ANALYSIS By JOCELINE TAN
joceline@thestar.com.my

The third force in Malaysian politics is getting more crowded as they vie to be the kingmaker in the event of a hung Parliament but some, like Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, may be eyeing the Prime Minister’s post.

TENGKU Razaleigh Hamzah was all dressed up for what seemed like a normal press conference. For someone who once admitted that he is colour blind, he was a picture of immaculate grooming.
Actually, he could have been mistaken for a prosperous banker or, dare we say, a Prime Minister-in-waiting?

The Kelantan royal politician had called the press conference to announce that Angkatan Amanah Merdeka, the NGO headed by him, was now open for business as it has been officially registered.

Amanah has joined a crowded field of what has become known as the “third force” in Malaysian politics, except that Tengku Razaleigh has still got one foot in Umno.

The third force groups range from small political parties like Parti Cinta Malaysia and kita, headed by millionaire lawyer Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, to civil society groups like the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) headed by Haris Ibrahim. Even Perkasa is a third force group in its own right.

At one level, these groups are signalling there is a niche out there for those who have rejected the old politics of Barisan Nasional but have not completely bought into the so-called new politics of Pakatan Rakyat.

At another level, they are essentially politicians aspiring to be the “king-maker” in the event of a hung Parliament in the next general election.

“Each group comes to the table with a slightly different political message to sell,” said political analyst and UCSI academic Dr Ong Kian Ming.

MCLM, said Dr Ong, comprises pro-Pakatan activists and intellectuals who aim to address the issue of poor quality of candidates in Pakatan, especially from PKR.

KITA, on its part, has emerged as the only Malay-led party that has stood up for equal rights among all Malaysians and is not afraid to say it openly. It has even spoken up for religious conversions.

As Dr Ong noted, some of these groups are looking for a platform and voice, some comprise indivi­duals who are looking for political survival while a few are hoping to cash out at the right time.

“On their own, they cannot knock out the established parties but they can cause a stomachache or headache,” said publisher Datuk A. Kadir Jasin.

Some of the third force groups are having headaches of their own.

For instance, kita, which was launched with a big bang earlier this year is embroiled in an internal feud even before it can really take off.

MCLM caused a stir when it was launched from London with the support of blogger-in-exile Raja Petra Kamarudin.

It has since nominated the well-known human rights lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar and the less-known dentist Dr Nedunchelian Vengu to run in the general election.

The next general election is go­­ing to be fierce and there will be a wild scramble to be candidates.

Pakatan is going to have as big and as ugly a headache as the Barisan in ma­­n­­­­aging people fighting to be candidates.

Amanah, insisted its vice-president Wan Saiful Wan Jan, is strictly a civil society body.

“It is not like MCLM or kita nor is it about election candidates or where they should run. It’s about a group of people who want to make a difference,” he said.

Nevertheless, Tengku Razaleigh’s claim that he needs a new platform to speak because Umno restricts him does not really add up.

It is indeed a selective pro­cess to be ­picked to speak at the Umno general assembly but over and above th­at annual event, no one has been able to stop Tengku Razaleigh from speaking his mind and he has caused ripples with many of his comments.



He has a blog and journalists rush to his Langgak Golf “White House” each time he schedules a press conference.

In fact, he makes news because he is such a famous Umno face, he says things other Umno leaders would not say.

Speaking as the head of yet another NGO would not have the same impact. In the meantime, the perception that he is positioning himself for the Prime Minister post will persist.

Actually, he is more experienced and accomplished than the other aspiring candidates, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Datuk Seri Hadi Awang put together.

According to a Pakatan Rakyat insider, he could have been the catalyst had he come on board Anwar’s Sept 16 scheme in 2008.

He and Anwar met several times in the days leading up to Sept 16 but nothing happened because they simply did not have the numbers and even if they did, they would have ended up fighting each other for the top post.

Tengku Razaleigh has missed the boat one time too many and he is now banking on his final boat.

Ku Li goes on survival mode

COMMENT By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY

Critics say Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah is clutching at straws to remain relevant at a time when national politics has narrowed to a divisive tussle between Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat. There is no place for a third force like his newly-formed Angkatan Amanah Merdeka.

FORMER Umno vice-president Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah has been vociferous in his criticism of the party and its policies, yet he says there is no room in it for dissent.

As president of the newly-formed Angkatan Amanah Merdeka, a non-governmental organisation that seeks to return to the comforting policies of first prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, he hopes to remain relevant.

Ku Li – as he is popularly known – is trying for the political main chance at a time when his role in Umno and the country is fast dwindling.

Amanah is just another platform for him, in a career of many ups and downs for the political main chance that has missed him or, rather, the chances that he has missed.

An aristocrat, he wanted to be premier ever since he challenged Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in the 1987 battle for the Umno presidency. He lost by a handful of votes, the nearest he would ever come.

His ally in that battle, former deputy president Tun Musa Hitam, made his peace and bred that power ambition out of him. But Ku Li is different. He keeps at it.

With Amanah, Ku Li is trying to keep his hopes for the top post alive.

Critics say he is clutching at straws to remain relevant at a time when national politics has narrowed to a divisive tussle between Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat.

There is no place for a third force like Amanah, an NGO in a field of many NGOs bidding for a political role.

The Gua Musang MP has taken a critical view of Umno ever since the original party was dissolved in 1988 and he went on to form Parti Semangat 46 that contested against the Barisan in the 1990 general election.

His new party joined forces with PAS, the DAP and the Indian Progressive Front to form the Gagasan Rakyat grouping which failed in its bid to oust the ruling party.

After failing to unseat Dr Mahathir in 1990, Semangat 46 closed shop and by 1995 Ku Li had returned to Umno.

When Dr Mahathir sacked Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in 1998, Ku Li had an opportunity to join forces with the axed deputy prime minister and take over the reformasi movement. But he failed to rise to the occasion, preferring to watch from the sidelines.

Unfortunately for Ku Li, he again missed the main chance when the top job moved to Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi after Dr Mahathir stepped down in 2003.

Ku Li tried to challenge Abdullah for the job but failed to get enough nominations because Umno coalesced around Abdullah and made short work of Ku Li’s attempt.

Throughout the six years of the Abdullah era, Ku Li stayed in Umno.

Anwar was released from prison in 2004 and began mobilising his supporters for the big polls battle in 2008, which netted for the Pakatan five states and 82 seats in Parliament.

In the uncertainties that followed Anwar’s undemocratic grab for power vis-a-vis the Sept 16 fiasco, Ku Li briefly came into the picture as possibly bringing to Anwar several Umno MPs to make up the necessary numbers to form a government.

But the promise never materialised and Anwar was not able to muster enough MPs to make the magic numbers although he did send emissaries in a hilarious chase that went all the way to Taiwan.

After the disaster of 2008 and with Abdullah giving way to Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak in April 2009, Ku Li saw his chances for the top job shrinking even further.

Najib began the transformation of the country and, by most counts, is winning the hearts and minds of many Malays and Indian voters although the Chinese voters are still holding out.

The country is firmly on a path of no return to the old ways with the repeal of the ISA, banishment laws and media freedom. Ku Li is left, still in Umno, criticising the reforms as inadequate.

On the other side, Anwar is facing a second sodomy trial and other sex related accusations even as he tries to rally his supporters as he did in 2008.

Pakatan Rakyat is, however, in a survival mode and seeking to keep as much of the 2008 win as it possibly could.

With the national political scenery changed Ku Li finds that he is being squeezed out and so he came up with his Amanah, which is a vehicle to remain in the public eye.

Who knows the political circumstances might change again and Ku Li might just land himself the top job, although the chances of that has long eclipsed.

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